According to Adsuara et al. (2019), bem viver “good living” refers to the vital principles that organize the life of a people, according to their own project of collective existence, aiming to safeguard the well-being of populations, and is related to the territory and to both human and non-human beings. In this sense, Silva et al. (2019) emphasized that territory and community are essential for indigenous life, as they provide survival and care for all beings, thus constituting a condition for “good living” through communal life with all beings in the cosmos.

However, objective and social conditions, such as the colonization process, loss of territories, intercultural contact, lack of effectiveness of public policies, etc., compromise traditional indigenous life, imposing limitations on their “good living” (Souza et al., 2020). Added to this is religious imposition, through which there is prohibition and abandonment of culturally specific practices and behaviors of indigenous populations (Erthal, 2001; Souza, 2016). Therefore, the invasion of indigenous lands, expropriation of communities, and regional and national development projects directly interfere with the health-disease and life-death process, producing psychosocial suffering in indigenous populations and characterizing their genocide (Adsuara et al., 2019; Staliano et al., 2019).

Having said that, the losses of conditions for “good living” in general, refer to the confusion that indigenous people, especially the youth, experience due to the interference of the surrounding society in traditional ways of life – reffered to as risk factors in some articles (Ramírez et al., 2018; Souza & Orellana, 2013). This involves migration to urban areas, conflicts in their territories, insufficient infrastructure and health and education services, difficulties in entering the job market, family disarticulation, lack of prospects for the future, and a shortage of leisure alternatives. All these elements promote imbalance and disharmony, leading to illness and deaths by suicide (Coimbra & Santos, 2000; Ramírez et al., 2018; Silva et al., 2019; Souza et al., 2020; Souza & Orellana, 2013).

Ramírez et al. (2018) pointed out that indigenous youth, in their respective traditions, are prepared and guided to follow customs, rules, and rituals according to the ancestral cosmology of their people. When coming into contact with the surrounding society, the youth encounters a different world that demands other behaviors, thoughts, actions, and care, interfering with the construction of their identity, belonging, and way of life. This is exacerbated by the use of drugs and excessive alcohol consumption, accentuating these problems of contact with the surrounding society, leading to suicidal acts.

Additionally, the scenario of food scarcity and illnesses reflects, for example, in suicides committed by young Kanamari in Vale do Javari/AM (Adsuara et al., 2019). As Poz (2000) highlighted, another requirement present in the indigenous life of the Sorowaha young people, for instance, is the emphasis on physical and moral virtues, including individual performance (physical strength, ability, disposition, beauty, control of sexuality, etc.). Due to such requirements, young people become vulnerable to disagreements and displeasures, which can lead to suicide.

Grubits et al. (2011) described that among young Guarani-Kaiowá individuals, signs of discouragement, maladjustment, melancholy, and sadness were observed before the suicide attempt. This period of distress, according to them, lasted approximately two weeks to a month, characterized by hearing voices and noises in a persecutory manner, which drove them towards self-extermination, not allowing them to react. They did not recall the moment they attempted to take their own lives, stating they had no control over what they were doing. They reported that chants, prayers, and dances performed by their family members under the guidance of religious leaders contributed to their return to a normal state. For this people, suicide is understood as supernatural, where forces of good and evil confront each other; this will be discussed in a further section.

Another serious problem among indigenous peoples contributing to suicides is the abusive consumption of alcoholic beverages, with the incidence of substance use preceding suicide attempts, generally involving young men during the weekends (Erthal, 2001; Orellana et al., 2013; Souza, 2016). According to Grubits et al. (2011), the imposition of new religions, which disrupt the population and lead to conflicts and maladjustments, also contributes to the adoption of vices such as alcoholism.

Souza and Ferreira (2014) pointed out the intentionality of the act among those under the influence of alcohol, arguing that intoxication compromises their judgment. For Souza and Orellana (2013), these substances induce behavioral changes, leading to actions that would not occur without their use, turning into a courageous conduct that propels them towards suicide. In this regard, Souza (2016) described that although alcohol consumption is an important element in understanding indigenous suicide, it should not be an explanatory factor but rather seen as an encourager of conflicts. Therefore, despite the traditional use of alcoholic beverages by indigenous peoples, the consequences of its abusive use have been experienced in physical, psychological, social, economic, and cultural problems.

These aspects are apparent among the Tikuna people, where the youth often resort to suicide following disagreements with family members, marked by a “loss of good judgment” attributed to alcohol consumption (Souza & Ferreira, 2014). This factor is further illustrated in a narrative featuring a son who, habitually consuming alcohol until late at night, defied his father’s rules; subsequently reprimanded, the son, overcome with sorrow, took his own life (Souza, 2016).

Even though years have passed, alcoholic beverages still seem to serve as a weapon against the lives of indigenous peoples, placing alcoholism as another serious current public health problem. Souza (2016) pointed out that the consumption of traditional alcoholic beverages would only begin after undergoing initiation rituals. The author added that there is a prevalence of early alcohol consumption in male indigenous individuals and the difficulties adults face in disciplining this consumption. However, we acknowledge that in some indigenous territories and ethnicities, alcohol consumption occurs at younger ages, as observed in reports from our personal experiences.

Erthal (2001) attributed the consumption of alcoholic beverages to the loss of cultural patterns and the promotion of various types of violence among the Tikunas, including suicide. Similarly, among indigenous communities in the Alto Rio Negro region, Souza (2016) pointed out that alcohol consumption creates a conducive moment for the surfacing of everyday conflicts. In this context, alcohol consumption provides a sort of “release” from negative feelings. The author argued that adults complain that the youth are disobedient, while the youth, on the other hand, claim to imitate their parents’ actions. Consequently, advice directed at the youth has been ineffective due to the discontinuation of the use of “cigarette smoke”, which was previously employed during rituals to counsel the younger members.

The abandonment of indigenous traditions, especially among the youth, refers to the deviation from initiation practices and rituals, as well as other life cycles, such as the transition from childhood to adulthood, which encompasses the religious and cultural imposition of the surrounding society (Erthal, 2001). Examples include the initiation of Guarani-Kaiowá boys, which consists of piercing the lower lip and is a secret to these people (Grubits et al., 2011). Among the Sorowaha, there is the placement of the sokoady, a penile suspender, which is no longer performed (Poz, 2000). Thus, in the absence of initiation rituals, young indigenous individuals may experience confusion and disorientation regarding their position in their community’s organization (Souza, 2016).

Therefore, Souza (2016) and Souza and Orellana (2013) argued that the current non-adherence of young people to certain protective rituals when faced with otherness, either due to disobedience or lack of learning from parents or grandparents, makes them vulnerable. In this regard, there is also the idea that the loss of certain ancient beliefs correlates with current existing conflicts, leading to the phenomenon of suicide. All of this constitutes the abandonment of forms of cultural organizational that give meaning to indigenous identity and guide the youth along a line of continuity, considering the past and future of their people (Grubits et al., 2011).

Contact with the surrounding society has brought about other changes as well. As described by Erthal (2001), Tikuna youth in the age range of 10 to 15 years, for instance, were taking their lives due to traditional marriage rules that are outdated in the current reality. They had become “problems for the nation”, limiting the choices of the youth, who, faced with the prohibition of certain behaviors, sought death by hanging or poisoning. On the other hand, we have the limiting and insufficient practices of teko, “way of being” among the Guarani people, due to the expropriation of their sacred territories, preventing them from continuing their customs, beliefs, rituals, and subsistence practices (Staliano et al., 2019).

Souza (2016) described that suicide in the Alto Rio Negro region has always existed but has undergone transformations due to sociocultural and historical changes in society, especially as a result of contact with the surrounding society. Thus, there is a perception that ancient times were perfect, while current times are seen as ruinous, leading to the attribution of trivial causes to suicides in the present. In this sense, Souza et al. (2020) elaborated that the possible explanation for the current “ruinous” times and suicide may be related to changes in indigenous territories, stemming from the increased presence of non-indigenous people and the urbanization of the indigenous population.

In addition to these factors, Silva et al. (2019) pointed out the ridicule and promotion of the feeling of shame associated with being indigenous in the face of the dominant Western culture, which imprisons them in a colonialist and Eurocentric model. Besides the cultural devaluation that indigenous peoples have been experiencing over the years, the difficulty that ethnic groups have in adapting to urban areas has also been described in the scientific literature as an exacerbating factor for self-inflicted violence (Braga et al., 2020).

The devaluation of indigenous culture can be attributed to the progressive overvaluation of Western culture, technology, and modernity, contributing to many young people forsaking the traditions of their peoples (Silva et al., 2019). Thus, the high expectations of youth, contrasted with the reality they encounter, especially in small cities, denote the challenges faced by the population in public policies that could assist in addressing vulnerabilities, such as suicide (Souza, 2016).

Each indigenous community or people have their own symbols that culturally explain the phenomenon of suicide. Some interpretations of one people may resemble others, but each peoples signify it in a particular way, depending on their historicity, worldview, and symbology. Therefore, indigenous suicide is a phenomenon that affects specific communities and ethnicities and should not be viewed in a generalist and simplistic manner, as it corresponds to specific contexts and moments in which it occurs.

To understand indigenous suicide, it is necessary to consider the characteristics of the symbolic universe and myths of indigenous peoples. In the context of the Rio Negro indigenous population, for example, older indigenous individuals, referred to as kumus by the Tukano people or pajés by other ethnicities, hold ancestral knowledge that is important for understanding the health-disease and life-death process (Souza, 2016). They are consulted in case of sudden death or suicide to discover the one responsible for the witchcraft, assess the circumstances, or assign blame for what happened.

In this direction, Souza and Ferreira (2014) as well as Souza (2016) explained that within the indigenous communities of Rio Negro, it is customary for the elders to recount tales about the fate of individuals who have taken their own lives. These narratives may depict the person undergoing a transformation into an animal, an enchanted spirit, or even raw material, resembling the myth of Jurupari following his demise. Consequently, these myths, beyond being historical accounts, serve as tools to provide explanations for contemporary situations.

Among the Sorowaha, Poz (2000) argued that they believe in another life after this one, the real one, which will depend on how the person died. After death, the person’s soul would leave the body and head to the waters of small streams, and with the arrival of the rainy season, it would reach larger rivers to ascend to the heavens. This journey can be undertaken through three different paths leading to equally distinct destinations: the mazaro agi (“path of death”) for those who die of old age; the konaha agi (“timbó path”), where suicides go; the koiri agiri (“snake’s path”) for those who die from snake bites.

The timbó (plant containing fish toxins), used to catch small fish in streams, is the Sorowaha’s way of ending their lives, through its ingestion. For Adsuara et al. (2019), the consumption of the timbó root constitutes a ritual that takes the Sorowaha to the other world, in a reunion with their ancestors. This is what Souza and Ferreira (2014) describe as the path leading to the Thunder’s house, where spirits reunite with the timbó people and transform into fish. As complemented by Aparício (2015), there is a myth that narrates the entire transformation from human to fish through the ingestion of timbó. And Poz (2000) brings the connection between the konaha (timbó) poison, the waters, and the fish, as a metaphor that identifies fish with humans, pointing to a reflection on the notion of personhood among the Sorowaha.

According to Erthal (2001), in Tikuna society, a part of the soul (nacii’) of the suicide victim remains in the place where the indigenous person dies, which can lead to disastrous events and unhappiness or even the death of those who come into contact with the suicide victim. In summary, as indicated in the articles of this section and based on our personal knowledge as indigenous people, many of us do not consider death as the end of life. Therefore, in the indigenous context, it is challenging to assert what happens to a person after their suicide, as conceptions vary among each people and region, as well as the circumstances that preceded the act.

It is often explained that, in an indigenous suicide, the person committing the act is not necessarily held accountable. Instead, it is believed that another person may be responsible for the death, which is then perceived as homicide and translates into the meaning of witchcraft (Souza, 2016; Souza & Ferreira, 2014). As an example, Erthal (2001) attributed the conception of Tikuna suicide to the act of witchcraft, which can target not only the youngest, who are the most vulnerable, but also those who have accumulated some wealth or achieved a better standard of living than the community, attracting envy. Within the Tikuna perspective, witchcraft seems to function as a mechanism of social control, as the sorcerer captures, at times, the dissatisfaction of the group, which is transferred to the spiritual plane of witchcraft. Through alliances with malevolent spirits, individuals are induced to suicidal behaviors.

A similar characteristic occurs among the Guarani-Kaiowá. According to Souza and Ferreira (2014), this community associates suicide with the native term tajuru: the suffix “ju” is associated with envoy or sacred, while “taju” indicates the idea of harm or malevolence. Therefore, suicide is considered as harm caused to someone through the action of witchcraft, leading these indigenous people to demand answers from the police authorities to determine who was responsible for the death. On the other hand, Staliano et al. (2019) pointed out another explanation among the Guarani-Kaiowá, directing suicidal acts to jejuvy, understood as the act of hanging oneself. And there is the angué, understood as an evil spirit that shelters in one’s throat and can end up taking control of the person’s actions, leading them to commit suicide. Thus, suicide cases generate indignation among family, friends, or those close to the deceased, leading to retaliation, culminating in a continuation of intrigues and a sequence of witchcraft and havoc.

In the Sorowaha indigenous society, Poz (2000) noted that the consumption of konaha (timbó) is frequently used among the youth, and such behavior is viewed by the elders as normal and common. Youth is seen by the people as privileged, contributing to their assertion that “it is not good to die old, it is good to die young and strong” (Poz, 2000, p. 100). In this sense, death is understood as a voluntary act, an “authentic autoaggressive ritual” that follows a traditional method, carried out by a significant number of young people, due to individual, cultural, and social factors.

Aparício (2015) added that, for the Sorowaha, the practice of ingesting kunaha (timbó) represents the role that shamanism plays in the collective life of the people. The process of the spell/witchcraft encompasses two aspects: (1) the human network is altered, creating a split between the pajé’s (shaman’s) predatory position, mazaru agy, causing the death of the victim; (2) the position of the victim of shamanism, mazaru babini, deceased as the “prey of the spell/witchcraft”. In essence, witchcraft constitutes a knowledge and practice prevalent among various indigenous cultures, guiding individuals, through the influence of a third party, to take their own lives. Eliminating witchcraft would mean abandoning a cultural element, resulting in the loss of traditions, as indicated above.

Some indigenous peoples live with the expectation of suicide as the horizon of their personal and collective destiny, such as the Sorowaha, as described by Aparício (2015). According to the author, a Sorohawa person seeking death by poisoning is capable of causing the death of others (dudy), leading to a continuous reaction of people searching for timbó. Poz (2000) explained that within their community, it is customary to observe a successive occurrence of individuals affected by suicide, subsequently leading to additional suicide incidents, often involving individuals closely connected to the initial victim. It is a kind of continuity, carried out not only by one indigenous person, sometimes more than two, even happening on the same day that the family member/friend committed suicide.

Souza and Ferreira (2014) underscored that in specific indigenous contexts, those involved in the death of the person who has committed suicide are, indeed, spirits of individuals who have previously passed away. This creates a feedback loop from the deceased, akin to a “calling,” where the departed play a role in guiding the living towards death. This is mediated by the yearning that manifests in the memories and/or dreams of the living, prompting them to contemplate suicide shortly after or at some point following the demise of their loved one.

Souza and Orellana (2013) attributed the influence of the supernatural world to the phenomenon of indigenous suicide in São Gabriel da Cachoeira/AM, where spirits of deceased young people would come to seek other young people. Reports from indigenous youth in Poz (2000) and Souza (2016) revealed that spirits approach them at night with a rope, intending to envelop them and make them faint or lose consciousness. One of the accounts from this research recounted that one of the three spirits that had assaulted a young man was someone he knew who had hanged himself, while the other two had also died in the same way. Such statements are present in the indigenous universe and are explained according to the particular and cultural understanding of phenomena in the region.

On the other hand, collective suicide is not only anchored in the cultural aspect but also in the political one. As argued by Adsuara et al. (2019) in the case of the Guarani-Kaiowá, the suicidal death of indigenous peoples can be understood as an effect of the colonial process and, therefore, should be considered as genocide. Therefore, in the Guarani-Kaiowá Letter from tekoha Pyelito Kue/Mbarakay in 2012, there was a protest for the removal of the people from their territory, claiming that their collective death should be declared so that they could all be buried with their ancestors. As emphasized by Ramírez et al. (2018), faced with the attack on their culture and the violation of their rights, they threatened collective suicide as a legitimate mechanism of resistance.